Institutional framework of Poverty Alleviation: An Overview of Bangladesh Experiences
Sunday, 10 October 2010
Introduction
Poverty in Bangladesh: A Profile
Though different measurement techniques provide somewhat different data about the level and incidence of poverty, the general picture of poverty in Bangladesh is indeed critical (Khan, A.R 1990; Ravalli on, 1990; BIDS, 1993). In an assessment of statistics on poverty based on human development indicators, UN Human Development Report points out that 86% of the people of Bangladesh live below the poverty line (UNDP, 1993).Measurement of poverty in most studies have been based on the head-count ratio. This measure takes into consideration the concept of minimum consumption bundle2. The following table provides a summary of poverty trend of the last two decades. Though there has been a little long-term improvement in poverty situation, depending on the economic and environmental conditions, large fluctuations prevailed in the incidence of Poverty over time.
Most of the controversies concerning poverty and poverty related policy originate from difference in, what is perceived to be the major determinants and causes of poverty. What causes poverty in a typical third world country like Bangladesh? In fact there is no single cause of poverty; the plight of some poor could be due to several factors, each contributing to some degree of observed poverty. It is therefore very important to identify the Extent of the situation to which each of these factors contributes to observed poverty. Failure to isolate the real Causes of poverty may result in institutional and policy interventions that do not alleviate poverty rather could actually aggravate the cause to increase poverty. A comprehensive study undertaken by Hossain and Sen (1992) Attempted to identify the determinant of incomes of poor and non-poor households in rural Bangladesh. Based on The regression models, Sen and Hossain noted that:
1. The size of land-owned by the household is the most important determinant of rural income, but the
Elasticity of rural income is low in regard to land-ownership.
2. The adoption of new technology contributes significantly to the increase of rural incomes.
3. The contribution of labor to household incomes is high. The contribution of a female worker
Is about 60 percent lower than that of an average male worker, implying that female workers
Are employed in lower productive activities and /or are paid lower than agricultural workers.
4. Higher education contributes significantly to the increase of rural incomes. However, the
Effect of higher education on income is greater for households engaged in non-farm activities
Than for farm households.
5. The adoption of new agricultural technology increase income for both groups of household,
But the effect is greater for the poor households than for the non-poor.
6. In poor households, the income of the female workers is 52 percent lower than the income of
The male workers. But the incomes of workers engaged in non-farm activities is 13 percent
Higher than that of the average agricultural worker.
Sen and Hossain therefore argued that an important part of poverty alleviation strategy should be to identify and
Emphasize elements of growth policy, which are likely to have the strongest and most immediate favorable
Impact on rural poverty. They also noted that the development of rural infrastructure would positively affect the
Level of rural poverty; in fact, its poverty alleviation effect would be even greater than the impact of new
Agricultural technology. More access to non-agricultural employment would extend the scope for income mobility
For land-poor households in rural Bangladesh.
Poverty & Development Plans in Bangladesh
Poverty and Development Plans in Bangladesh
Beginning from 1973, successive development plans in Bangladesh have highlighted the issue of poverty. The
Plans also suggested a number of strategies to face the challenge. The First Five Year Plan (1973-78), placed
Emphasis on a socialistic restructuring of the economy so that the benefits of development could be distributed
More equitably among the different groups of people. In a sense, the Plan was pre-occupied more with the task of
Post-independence economic reconstruction and the international economic crisis arising from the oil price hike,
Than with the poverty problem of the country. The Two Year Plan (1978-80) was expected to give the country a
Direction for future planning and development. However, it got bogged down with the task of rationalizing the
Portfolio of on-going projects in the face of acute resource shortage. The Second Five Year Plan (1980-85) made
A renewed effort for bringing in the poverty issue to the forefront through its emphasis on basic needs. In reality,
Its main concern became the reduction of the socialistic bias in the economy in favor of greater reliance on
Market economy and promotion of the private sector. The Third Five Year Plan (1985-90) brought forward the
Idea of group-based plan on the basis of a Social Accounting Matrix using an Applied General Equilibrium
Model. In practice its main pre-occupation was to face the new challenges like aid conditionality, which were
Thrust upon the nation while pursuing macro-economic stability and rapid structural reform. The Third Five Year
Plan noted that poverty, unemployment, rapid population growth, malnutrition, illiteracy all are interactive and
Needed to be addressed simultaneously in the macro plans with both short and long term perspectives. Against
The background of a rising trend in the number of landless, small and marginal holdings in Bangladesh, and the
Process of depeasantization and pauperization, the Fourth Five Year Plan announced a comprehensive approach
Towards poverty alleviation. The Fourth Five Year Plan (1990-95), emphasized on poverty alleviation through
Human resources development as its most important planning objective. The Fourth Five Ye
ar Plan recognized
ar Plan recognized
The role of safety net projects of both the Governmental Organization (Goes) and NGOs, but insisted that the
Primary emphasis for poverty alleviation should be given through bringing the poor and the disadvantaged from
The periphery to the center of the development process.
An overview of the Five Year Plans and other policy documents of the GOB on rural development indicate that
Poverty alleviation has always been a core concern of the development programs. It also depicts a trend of
Priority attachment to poverty alleviation in terms of objectives and strategies. A follow-up review of this policy
Statements, however, manifests that, in effect, in most cases, no serious attempts have been made to translate
4
Such policies into concrete programs and projects within a coherent institutional framework. As a result the
Sect oral programs particularly in agriculture, health, social welfare, infrastructure development, water resource
Development etc. were designed in isolation without having considerable focus on poverty alleviation. Even with
The existing institutional framework there has been a noticeable lack of coordination in the management of the
Projects on poverty alleviation carried out by different agencies of the GOB as well as NGOs (Aminuzzaman and
Nunn E, 1993).
Empirical data also indicate the fact that the actual disbursement of resources to poverty alleviation programs
During the Second and Third Five Plan periods was far low compared to the actual allocations. Further more the
Rate of actual allocation to Poverty Alleviation Projects (Peps) 3 during the Third Five Year Plan also far less
Than its corresponding figure of the Second Five Year Plan period (Gaur, 1994). Consequently the employment
Targets set by the Five Year Plans (Fops) could not be achieved. In aggregate the Fops failed to generate about
3.9 million New jobs as against the target (PKSF, 1992).
An overview of the Annual Development Program (ADP) allocation also demonstrates a passive picture. In spite
Of all importance and priorities attached to poverty alleviation in the plan documents, over the years the actual
Allocation to Peps and other projects with poverty alleviation components never received more than 14 percent
Of total ADP allocation (Ghafur, 1994). The trend of PAP allocations in the ADPs is also not found to be
consistent. (Table:2). On average the ADPs over last ten years allocated about 10 percent resources to PAPs
ranging from 7.04 to 14.07 percent.
Table 2: ADP Allocations to PAPs 1985 - 1995 (in million Taka)
Year Total ADP Allocation for PAP % of PAP
Allocation
1985-86 3826 269.5 7.04
1986-87 4764 379.17 7.96
1987-88 5046 413.08 8.19
1989-90 5803 473.22 8.15
1990-91 5668 547.37 9.66
1991-92 7500 797.31 10.63
1992-93 8650 976.09 11.28
1993-94 9750 682.16 7.00
Source: Ghafur (1994)
Different Approaches to Poverty Alleviation
Different Approaches to Poverty Alleviation
Bangladesh has a rich history of experimentation in rural development model building. In the mid 1960s, the
Comilla Model of cooperative received international fame as an alternative approach for rural development for
the resource poor countries (Aminuzzaman, 1985). However, in the post independent Bangladesh with the
changed socio-economic and political reality, the Comilla model virtually became redundant. Since then given
the high level of poverty and extreme dependence on foreign aid, Bangladesh practically became a veritable
laboratory for rural development and poverty alleviation interventions. As a matter of fact, in the absence of a
comprehensive transparent policy, rural development has become a patchwork of public and private initiatives
and interventions (Willmann, 1990; Siddiqui, 1985; Laxminarayan & Rahman (nd); Jones, 1982; DANIDA,
51988a; Holtsberg, 1992). Wide varietyof intervention packages have been developed by the GOB agencies as well
as the NGOs. These interventions have been mostly financed by the bilateral or multi-lateral donor agencies. All
such interventions can broadly be classified under three different project approaches: i. Direct Capability-Raising
projects; ii. Growth-oriented Projects with a strong immediate impact on poverty, and iii. Targeted Special
Employment Schemes for the poor.
Direct Capability-Raising Projects
These projects addressed poverty indirectly through enforcing higher investment in social sectors, such as health,
education, etc. leading to enhanced human capabilities and improved living standard indicators. These projects,
in effect, did not have any direct impact on employment or income generation.
Growth-oriented Projects with a Strong Immediate Impact on Poverty
The process of economic growth would in most circumstances bring about some reduction in poverty through the
trickle-down mechanism. This particular approach therefore is based on the assumption that poverty can be
addressed through fostering a higher growth process by way of complex interplay of macro-economic policy
instruments suitably attuned to sustain a reasonable growth in certain sectors which will have a `trickle down'
effect and thus increase the income of the rural poor.
Targeted Special Employment Schemes for the Poor
In 1984 the government of Bangladesh developed a new Strategy for Rural Development Projects. The strategy
emphasized the inclusion of Rural Poor Projects (RPP) as a component of all future rural and area development
programs. In line with the strategy, a number of new generation of Area Development Programs were negotiated
and launched, all with a RPP component. Under these Area Development Programs a targeted self-employment
scheme has been implemented with varying degrees of input support such as credit, training and extension
services. These schemes have been designed to promote collective ventures of the landless-poor through
formation of groups and cooperatives. Under these programs assets are transferred to the target groups on a
collective basis, e.g., joint cultivation of land, pisciculture, irrigation, power tiller schemes run by the landless
groups and cooperatives. In almost all cases Bangladesh Rural Development Board (BRDB) was assigned to
implement the program.
In addition to these approaches, GOB also took some special programs like Food For Works (FFW), Vulnerable
Groups Feeding etc. to address seasonal rural unemployment and the causes of destitute women.
Food Assisted Development Projects
Food For Works (FFW) program in Bangladesh is sponsored by World Food Program (WFP) and United State
Agency for International Development (USAID)4. CARE - a leading international NGO monitors the program
on behalf of USAID. FFW project has been in operation in Bangladesh continuously since 1975. Food for
Works project consists of rural infrastructure works with its main objectives as: i. to improve the performance of
the agricultural sector, including fisheries and forestry, through the construction and maintenance of necessary
infrastructure for production and marketing of output; ii. to reduce physical and human losses due to floods and
other structural disasters through appropriate protective structures; and iii. to generate productive seasonal
employment for the rural poor.
The implementation of these activities are mainly carried out by five Government ministries namely: Ministry of
Flood Control and Irrigation, Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives, Ministry of
Fisheries and Livestock, Ministry of Forestry and Environment, and Ministry of Relief and Rehabilitation. Apart
from these line ministries about 40 NGOs are also involved in the implementation of FFW program. The
6resources used for the FFW program are wheat and monetized wheat.
However, the longer-terms developmental impact of FFW was considered to have fallen short of expectations in
terms of infrastructure and creation of assets for the poor. There are still hot debates concerning labor-intensive
public works and the tension between short-term employment creation and the size and distribution of the longer
term income stream (BIDS-IFPRI, 1985). The usefulness of food as a wage good in rural works has also been
questioned. Issues like less satisfactory longer-term impact on income distribution and asset generation and
impact of FFW schemes have therefore become a "serious concern" (Clay, 1986). In recent years, however,
increasing emphasis is being placed on development and hence FFW has been shifting from its original
objectives to include more development objectives. It is now referred to as the Integrated Food For Work
Program (IFFW) and the program is further extended for five year as Integrated Food For Development Program
(IFFD).
During recent years NGOs have been playing a significant role in FFW projects. In the year 1992-93, out of a
total allocation of 520,000 Metric Ton (MT) wheat of FFW projects 26,500 MT have been allocated to the NGOs
(WFP, 1992a). The expansion of NGOs' involvement in FFW program has come about mainly because in
general they have been successful in combining operational flexibility with meaningful beneficiary participation.
NGOs have successfully mobilized human and material resources, raised consciousness of the target groups and
generally avoided conflict with local informal power groups as well as the power structures (Aminuzzaman,
1993).
The GOB in 1975 also launched a program called the Vulnerable Groups Feeding Program (VGF) to provide
relief to the destitute women. World Food Program (WFP) has been assisting the program since its inception in
1975. From the early 1980s the program has been progressively reoriented from relief towards development and
was renamed as Vulnerable Groups Development (VGD). The revised objectives of the VGD is to increase the
self-reliance of the disadvantaged women. To that end, package of development services consisting of savings,
credit, functional education, training in income generating activities and health and nutrition information has
been introduced. However, progress of VGD has been slow and far from satisfactory (Duthi, 1986). Only about
70,000 i.e. 15 percent of the VGD women who participated in the 1990-92 training cycle had access to all
elements of the package (WFP 1992, WPF 1992a).
Local Government and Poverty alleviation
Local Government in any setting of governance is an essential partner of development management. However in
case of Bangladesh, the role of local government in development management has all along been limited. Apart
from some delegated development functions of the national Government like FFW, local bodies are hardly
involved in organization and management development projects. All local government development projects in
general are being designed and funded by the Central Government. More precisely local bodies in Bangladesh
have never been directly involved in organizing poverty oriented programs.
Since independence Bangladesh has witnessed several experiments in local government institution building.
Different models/ approaches like Union Panchayet, Village Multi-purpose Cooperatives, District Governor
scheme, Swanirvar Gram, Own Village Development, Gram Sarkar, Thana Development Committee, District
Development Coordinator, Upgraded Thana, Union etc, have been experimented. Critics have however noted
that most of these models and reform packages were designed in line with the political mobilization process of
the party in power than that of genuine
local government institution building exercise (Blair, 1985, Aminuzzaman,l993a).
Due to such frequent changes and experimentation, the Local Government institutions have suffered and could
not take a permanent and viable shape. There is also a noticeable tendency towards building and expanding an
institution rather hurriedly without going through necessary stages of development and maturation. A UN
sponsored study thus concluded that "the past twenty years have seen a failure to maintain and strengthen local
Poverty Alleviation in Bangladesh
7bodies in Bangladesh"(UNDP, 1992).
Most damaging experimentation was the abolition of Upazila system. Empirical findings suggest that by the time
of its abolition, Upazila had become a well rooted machinery of the Local Government institution in the
peripheral Bangladesh. It created conditions whereby local level politics have become relatively more
accountable and representative in character. It also facilitated transmission of civic, social, cultural and political
core from the center to the peripheries (Aminuzzaman; 1995).
Different Institutional Approaches to Poverty Alleviation
This section of the paper presents an overview of different institutional frameworks/ models of poverty alleviation
projects in Bangladesh. The approaches and interventions for rural development and poverty alleviation have
been discussed under five different institutional models : I. BRDB model, II. Donor-Line Agency Collaboration,
III. Poverty Alleviation Projects (PAPs) of Large NGOs, IV. NGO-Government collaboration model, and V.
Small and Local NGO projects.
Small and Local NGO projects.
I. Bangladesh Rural Development Board (BRDB)
Until the early seventies, rural development was largely conceived of as agricultural development. The two-tier
cooperative system of the Integrated Rural Development Program (IRDP), based on famous Comilla model, has
been the sole institutional framework to implement the rural development programs in Bangladesh. The IRDP
was later transformed into a national organization named Bangladesh Rural Development Board (BRDB)
through the ordinance LIII of 1982. BRDB was assigned to develop the cooperative system and implement
various rural development programs.
BRDB is the largest institutional set-up of the GOB which is directly engaged in organizing and managing rural
development and poverty alleviation program in Bangladesh. Eighty five percent of the BRDB efforts are carried
out in the form of projects in which 91% of the share is contributed by different multilateral and bilateral Donor
organizations (Interchain, 1990).
BRDB has been undertaking group-based loan operations through cooperatives. This is perhaps the largest
institutional effort in the country to address the socio-economic needs of the rural people. Initially set up for the
agricultural sector, BRDB later diversified its services to incorporate the asset less men and women as well. With
a two-tier cooperative structure, there are primary societies at the field level which have three-fold divisions:
Bittahin Samabay Samity (BSS), for the landless and poorest of the poor, Krishak Samabay Samity (KSS) for the
farmers, and Mahila Bittahin Samabay Samity (MBSS) for the destitute women. The coordination of activities of
the above three types of societies in an area is done at the Thana 5 level by the respective Thana level Central
Cooperative Society. Starting with only 33 Thanas in 1971-72, BRDB now has practically covered whole
Bangladesh. BRDB's membership exceeds 2.4 million, of which almost four hundred thousand are asset less and
three hundred thousand are poor women. So far, BRDB has disbursed loans amounting to Taka 7000 million
(cumulative) and has collected savings amounting to Taka 440 million. It may be mentioned that the
cooperatives control 45% and 70% of all the sunken shallow and deep-tube wells respectively, which reflects
their important contributions to the agricultural sector and rural employment (BRDB,1994).
Empirical data generated by Center for Integrated Rural Development in Asia and Pacific (Momin, 1987) reveal
that introduction of IRDP has been very much successful in boosting agricultural production but social equity has
not been addressed adequately. Powerful village groups, primarily large farmers, continue to maintain control
over facilities and economic advantage. On the other hand landlessness, unemployment, and level and incidence
of poverty increased significantly (Rahman, H.S, 1992; Aminuzzaman, 2000).
_
8In order to respond to the undesirable trend, in 1982-83 BRDB introduced a package of intervention called Rural
Poor Project (RPP) to facilitate participation of the rural poor in socio-economic and infrastructural development
projects. Under the RPP project, until 1991-92 a total of Tk. 15.07 million has been distributed as credit to the
rural poor, of which only Tk.5.4 million has been recovered. The overall recovery rate as computed by BRDB is
as low as 7.72 % (BRDB, 1993).
Since the beginning of 1980s BRDB designed some special rural development projects under the brand name of
RD-5, RD-9 and RD-12. These projects were designed to cater the need of non-farm rural poor target groups.
Funded largely by foreign Donors these projects came into operation in parallel to the regular projects of BRDB.
These RD projects however differ from one another, and from the regular BRDB programs, in terms of the target
groups, geographical area covered, services provided, duration and funding and the adoption of formal vs.
informal cooperative societies. Moreover each of these RD projects has its unique institutional and organizational
set-up depending on the preferences of different Donors (CIDA, 1993). Though the feed back from the
operational levels and different evaluation studies have time and again noted the need for a unified
implementation framework for such RD projects, BRDB until now has failed to put forward its own proposals for
a unified structure for the RD projects.
Lack of a unified structure has therefore resulted in the `projectization' of BRDB as each of these projects has
superimposed different types of management approaches. As a result each of these projects has operated in
virtual isolation from the rest of BRDB. This has led inevitably to duplication of functions among various project
cells and the main organizational structure of BRDB. Successive evaluation missions have therefore deplored that
BRDB itself has gained very little in terms of transference and cross-fertilization of project experiences. In other
words, the professed secondary objective of all these projects, i.e. BRDB institution building has not been
achieved.
Donor agencies however are not satisfied with the BRDB's performance and institutional capabilities. Different
studies have summarized the donors assessment about the BRDB:
BRDB is a highly bureaucratic and sluggish organization. It does not suit the project management style
that originally brought success to the proven model. Instead of being a task based organization BRDB
has somehow slipped into bureaucratic form of organization and follows rigid bureaucratic procedures.
The rules, procedures and task targets seem to have become the end in themselves. The organizational
set-up over the period of time has become extremely complicated with different dimensions consisting
of projects, functions and geographical set-up and intersecting each other causing diffusion of
responsibility and non-clarity of authority and almost completely lost accountability. The total
monitoring and evaluation efforts starting from reporting from the field levels and projects is not well
coordinated... Evaluation as an important management function is not scientifically resorted to by
BRDB... BRDB lacks a clearly defined institutional arrangement to absorb the outstanding activities of
terminated projects (Interchain, 1990).
The bureaucratic nature of the organization has resulted in the development of lengthy procedures, rigid
controls and management styles that inhibits the realization of potential. Interminable delays, poor
quality of implementation, non-attainment of targets, loss of staff commitment and motivation have
resulted from these practices... (CLEAR/ Plunkett, 1992).
Some donors, being so frustrated with BRDB have substantively withdrawn their support and opted for the NGOs
and other alternatives institutions. While others have devoted considerable efforts to the upgrading of the BRDB's
organization structure and management systems in order to eliminate its institutional incapacity to effectively
carry out the tasks of rural development and poverty alleviation.
Lead Agency Projects
II. Donor/GOB Line Agency - Lead Agency Projects
In this approach, poverty alleviation projects are designed at least on paper by the GOB and selected Donor
agency. However in reality most of these projects have been the products of different mission reports
commissioned by the donor. In fact, on the whole, these projects are manifestations of the Donors' disbelief in
the capability of GOB agencies.Under this model a specific GOB line agency is formally assigned to run the
project while the Donors provide a Project Advisory Team. The Donors usually impose an elaborate project
specific institutional arrangements. The project is managed by an international project management firm with
highly salaried expatriate resident advisers and consultants.
There are many different variations in project design regarding the distribution of actual decision making and
management responsibilities between the donor appointed Chief Technical Advisor (CTA)/ Chief Project
Coordinator (CPC) and the Line agency appointed Project Director (PD). In most projects the final decision
making authority lied in the hand of the CTA/ CPC. Some projects have developed a system of "dual authority"
between the CTA/CPC and the PD (Raquib, 1992). The line between advisory and decision making functions in
this arrangement has created severe management crisis 6.
Noakhali Rural Development Project -II is one of such projects worked through a number of different line
agencies 7 as implementers of different components while BRDB acted as the lead agency. The combination of
BRDB as lead agency and other line agencies proved to be problematic. In the light of the operational
experiences and to make the project more responsive and effective, the donor at one point insisted on the
inclusion of the NGOs in the project. All participating agencies especially BRDB resisted the inclusion of the
NGOs. Consequently a review mission sponsored by the Donor recommended to remove BRDB as the lead
agency of the project (DANIDA,1989).
Like other RD-Projects, NRDP was highly staff intensive with a considerable TA 8 competent. Dualism of
authority, lack of motivation of the local staff and the salary differential between TA staff and GOB staff posed
serious problem to the project (Wood, 1988; Norby & Ali,1992). The NRDP was ultimately terminated resulting
in large-scale redundancies and the loss of valuable staff experienced in rural development, as the line agencies
could not absorb most of the additional staff who had been funded by the Project.
The original intention of this model as an integrated collaborative effort was not achieved. Neither at the level of
integration of function nor in terms of service delivery mechanisms the project could show any sign of success.
Various coordination committees at different levels intended to bring integration proved to be highly ineffective
(DANIDA, 1989). Management system sometimes was "chaotic" and "counter-productive". Thus the model of
management.
Poverty Alleviation Projects of Large NGOs
The Poverty Alleviation Projects of the Large NGOs
The history of NGOs in Bangladesh can be traced way back to the British colonial period. Since the British era,
NGOs in its traditional form have been working in Bangladesh as different religious trust-based schools,
hospitals and orphanages. However, NGOs in Bangladesh got a radical transformation and turned into agents of
development in the post-independence era.
GOB had to face a Herculean task of renewal and reconstruction of the war torn economy immediately after its
war of independence. The GOB had neither the capacity nor had the appropriate institutional mechanism to
address the volume and diversity of such enormous problems single handed. At that point of time, a number of
international NGOs and voluntary organizations extended their helping hands to assist Bangladesh in its striving
efforts to rebuild the infrastructure and the economy. Thus, the decade of 1970s witnessed the emergence of
several local NGOs and also the arrival of several International NGOs in Bangladesh.
Since 1970s NGOs therefore become a part of the institutional framework of poverty alleviation in Bangladesh.
The NGOs, especially the large ones in effect, have infiltrated into an operational arena which has traditionally
been the `exclusive domain' of the government. Donors have played a significant role in advocating for the
NGOs as an active partner in poverty alleviation projects in Bangladesh (Sobhan and Bhattacharya,1990).
Though GOB does not have a clear and comprehensive policy framework on the role of NGOs but different
bilateral as well as multi-lateral donors somehow very strongly have made it more or less obligatory to
Bangladesh to opt for NGOs as a second channel for organization and management of PAPs. As a result several
donors are channelling substantially higher amount of resources through the NGOs. The proportion of total
foreign aid to Bangladesh disbursed through NGOs was about 1 per cent only in 1972-73 which by the end of FY
1986-87, reached to 17.4 per cent (Abed, 1984; Alam, 1988; Alam 1993).
The donors, frustrated and disillusioned by their attempts to work with conventional line agencies of the
government, have supported the NGOs at the risk of displeasing the Government with assumption that the NGOs
are efficient and committed, deliver services through targeted programs with transparency and accountability
(World Bank, 1990). This redirection of donor funds has resulted in considerable expansion of the programs of
the large NGOs as well as of their organizational capacity. In fact by the middle of the 1980s it was estimated
that the staff of NGOs would have exceeded more than three times of that of Bangladesh Rural Development
Board - the sole governmental body specifically assigned to address rural development and poverty alleviation
program in Bangladesh. By the end of the 1980s the constituency of BRAC, Proshika and Grameen Bank , three
leading national NGOs/ non-government rural credit institutions , accounted to around one million members. An
estimate made by the Association of Development Agencies of Bangladesh (ADAB), claims that the leading
NGOs have already been able to serve one-tenth of the country's 120 million people (ADAB, 1993).
Some leading NGOs by now have developed into large professional organizations and acquired the capacity to
provide more effective services. Their role in development is primarily advocated for five considerations
(Streefland, 1993): their ability and effectiveness to act as brokers between the needs of the rural poor and the
objectives of donor policies; their efficiency in reaching the poor; their innovative potential; their reliability and
efficiency in providing emergency aid to people afflicted by natural disasters; and their ability to provide
sufficient organizational support to the needy and poor.
Most of the NGOs in Bangladesh at the beginning focussed their attention on `consciousness raising' aspect at
the grassroots levels through mobilizing and forming groups among the poor, initiating a process of people's
collective analysis on their present situation, helping them to see the strength in their numbers and gradually
inspiring the poor to undertake continuous social and economic actions in order to change the existing dominantdependent
relationship between them and the rich. By multiplying such grass-roots groups and developing
networks among those multiplied groups, it was argued by the NGOs that the poor would emerge as a
Poverty Alleviation in Bangladesh
11countervailing power to the wealthy, with necessary strength for future social transformation.
Later during the late 1970s the pure conscientization approach has been largely abandoned. A new set of
assumptions were drawn by some leading NGOs. These are: (ADB,1993)
1. The absorptive capacity and self-reliance of the poor can be developed only progressively.
2. As result of combination of general scarcity of government resources and the capacity of the existing elite
to capture the major share of government services, "the barriers to entry" as faced by the poor are much
greater than what originally believed.
3. Provided certain precautions are taken, it is possible to render essential services to the poor without
jeopardizing their sense of self-reliance.
Thus from early 1980s most NGOs have opted for multi-sectoral projects primarily emphasizing the rural
employment and income generating activities for the disadvantaged and poor. Empirical evidence indicate that a
good number of NGOs have set standards of efficient delivery systems with substantial legitimacy from the
community (Aminuzzaman; 1993).
Some significant factors can be identified which may have been responsible for relative success of the NGOs
(Khan,1986; Rahman, 1985; Alam, 1988; Alam, 1993):
1. NGOs have been able to effectively organize the rural poor with similar socio-economic background
and made them more conscious of their own potentials that the local power elites do not take advantage
of them.
2. NGOs have also shown that the poor people are bankable if properly organized. There has to be a
strong saving component in the credit program for the poor. It is the "group pressure" which has been
used for both "motivation" as well as "self-discipline".
3. The NGOs have complemented credit program with conscientization as well as training. It is the
change in attitude which ensures high repayment of loans and group cohesiveness.
4. NGOs have also successfully blended the credit components with appropriate technology.
Empirical evidence also indicates that NGOs are more innovative than government agencies when it comes to
assisting the rural poor. Moreover: i. NGOs are more flexible in their approaches; ii. usually have better and
intimate knowledge of local conditions which shape the outcome of a development activity; iii. NGOs have a
higher degree of capacity to reach the intended target groups and tend to maintain close contact with the poor;
and iv. NGOs in general are committed as well as willing to spend more time experimenting to the extent that
they are not under pressure to disburse credit funds and are committed to a long-term involvement.
Limitations of the NGOs
NGOs in Bangladesh have increasingly become subject to questions and criticisms. Their roles, functions and
long-term objectives have been questioned by the Government, political parties, intellectuals and public in
general (Sobhan, 1982). Most NGOs with increasing availability of donor funds, tend to undertake programs
which are determined by, and devoted with, donors' demand and expectation. Such programs may have only
"little relevance to the critical needs and aspirations of the beneficiaries and may be far drawn away from their
stated long-term objectives and strategies" (Task Force,1991: 379). Some left-leaning political parties criticize
the NGOs for taking funds from western donors and serve their interests in a way to fulfill their objectives of
subverting the process of politicization and social revolution. Due to the lack of planning and or institutional
framework and support, some NGOs especially the smaller ones, in effect, addressed the problems of poverty
mostly on "adhoc" basis and developed a condition of perpetual dependency. Studies have also shown that some
NGOs are found to be inefficient managers of resources and are trying to implement a diverse set of programs
requiring a managerial competence for integration beyond their existing capacities (ADB, 1993).
12
Evaluation reports of some NGO sponsored programs indicate that they do not have comprehensive plans for
sustainability of their projects. This leads to the main criticism against the NGOs is that they tend to become
"paternalist" about their clients by continuously investing in the same beneficiaries instead of setting time targets
for their graduation from poverty. The sustainability and replicability of NGO programs on a long-term basis
become difficult for the high unit operation costs. Available data suggest that major (large) national and
international NGOs usually have a larger operating cost per group member than its comparable government
administered poverty alleviation programs (UNDP,1988).
A UNDP sponsored study has made a thorough analysis of the NGO sponsored development programs in rural
Bangladesh. The study noted that some of the NGOs have gross institutional limitations and have not been costeffective.
Major observations drawn by the UNDP study are as follows (UNDP;1988):
1. The credit policy pursued by the NGOs comes only as a complementary component of a wider
consciousness raising program. It is said that the credit is given only after some time has elapsed and
that, too, is of small amounts. While NGOs argue that too much dependence on credit may distract the
poor from their human development, it can also be argued that people can not survive on
"consciousness" alone. They have abundant labor and if that can be matched by capital, they can be selfemployed.
So NGOs, in fact, slow down the pace of the development of the poor by withholding credit
for longer periods of time.
2. NGOs are heavily dependent on foreign resources. In the absence of accountability, too much money
from outside can make the NGOs corrupt, controversial and bureaucratic.
3. NGOs, despite a decade of their existence, have not made much dent. It is easy to show remarkable
success in a village or two with small projects, but it may not be possible to replicate these successes
throughout the country.
4. NGOs lack legitimacy and political leverage, hence they are ineffective in running big projects that
would affect significant number of rural poor.
Another study has summarized the critical issues related to NGOs in Bangladesh ( Aminuzzaman, 1994):
i. There is no clear-cut GOB policy on the role and functional coverage of the NGOs in Bangladesh.
Whatever guidelines are there, these seem to be ambiguous and contradictory;
ii. There is a general feeling of mistrust among the members of the public bureaucracy towards the
NGOs;
iii. Most of the NGOs alleged to have no long term plan which results in designing projects that
generates temporary benefits than tangible long term impacts.
iv. There is a noticeable lack of coordination among the NGO projects resulting in duplication and
wastage of NGO resources and efforts.
v. There are reports of lack of coordination between the NGOs and the local government bodies as well
as the field level bureaucracy of the national government;
vi. In many cases NGOs have faced resistance from the local interest groups.
mobilize local resources. A number of the NGOs have to abandon their projects due to lack of
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